|  | 

Opinion

The Modi-Trump union – analysis

img-responsive

Atal Bihari Vajpayee described the United States (USA) and India as natural allies. We share the same spirit and values ​​that our two nations have consistently fostered through democratic institutions. We value our democratic tradition and work to encourage more and more countries in that direction. After the independence of India, more than 60 countries have secured their independence. Most of them followed the path of peaceful resistance from India, and also emerged as democratic states.

The democratic world is shrinking today. At least two dozen countries have become authoritarian in recent decades. Terrorism, authoritarianism and violence have returned to the world stage. The emergence of a multipolar world has led to a scenario in which democratic and responsible powers, such as the United States and India, must unite to defend the broader goals of world peace, democratic liberalism and shared prosperity.

In the first five decades of Indian independence, there was almost no steam in this relationship. Only three US presidents: Dwight Eisenhower in 1959, Richard Nixon in 1969 and Jimmy Carter in 1978, arrived in India in the first 50 years. The credit goes to Vajpayee for injecting life into the relationship. Bill Clinton and George W Bush arrived in 2000 and 2006 respectively, and Barack Obama visited twice in 2010 and 2015. Donald Trump will be the fifth president of the United States to visit India in the last two decades.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has taken this relationship to a new level. Under Modi, India has renounced its reticence and has presented itself in an unorthodox way to register its ambition to grow as an influential and responsible global power. At a time when the axis of global power is moving towards the neighborhood of India, and democracies around the world are weakening under the pressure of authoritarian and terrorist regimes, the rise of India as the greatest democracy of the The world, affirming its place and function, is a historical event.

India is the most stable and strong country in the most active Indo-Pacific region in the world. Nothing is more urgent and important for world peace, stability and prosperity today than striving to manage the Indo-Pacific region. The role of India will be impregnable in that. Both India and the United States realize this. The ties between the US UU. And India have to fulfill this historical need.

President Trump’s visit must be viewed from this perspective. Independent visits by presidents of the United States are rare. Trump chose to make an exclusive visit to India for two days. It shows the important place that India enjoys in the scheme of things of the United States. Under Modi, India adopted the policy of relief in its international relations. India’s best relations with the United States do not have to be seen as the appearance of any new club. Instead, it is a reiteration of India’s commitment to democracy and world peace, as well as a guarantee for the other democratic states of the world.

It is ironic that the neoliberal establishment in the world no longer sees democracies as worthy of their support. The elitist democracies that the liberals have defended after World War II have now given way to popular democracies. State after State is choosing leaders who challenge the convoluted liberal worldview. Liberals are in arms against these leaders. Modi in Delhi or Boris Johnson in London or Trump in Washington DC are not particularly the type of leaders that liberals would like democracies to raise. These leaders are the product of real popular mandates, without the influence of elitist liberal institutions, such as the media, academia and think tank circuits. And do not hesitate to challenge the hegemony of the liberal elite.

Liberals are clearly upset and angry. The tearing and destruction of the copy of President Trump’s speech by Nancy Pelosi is a classic case of liberal outrage. For them, it is no longer “democracy in danger”; It is “democracy is danger.” His new argument is, “individual rights and popular will are at war with each other.” The leaders elected by popular mandate are described as “populist demagogues” and their countries as “illiberal democracies.” The popular will is described as a “post-truth” phenomenon; Internet and social networks are branded as villains; and liberal academics like Yascha Mounk, authors of books with titles like The people against democracy: why our freedom is in danger and how to save it.

These new cheerleaders of authoritarianism and anti-popular regimes, whose favorite feeding areas are anarchist agitations like Shaheen Bagh’s, criticize Trump’s visit.

Like any other bilateral visit, Trump’s visit will also have many important results in areas such as defense, trade, energy and interpersonal relationships. Trump is known for his transactional approach. Modi is known for his firmness in securing the interests of the nation. If an important trade agreement is delayed, both leaders are credited for their commitment to the interests of their respective countries. However, the visit and the talks continue because the relationship transcends commerce, commerce, etc.

It means the march of the greatest democracy in the world and the richest and most powerful democracy in the world as a bulwark against authoritarianism, terrorism and anarchy sponsored by liberals in the world. That is the broadest message that the Trump-Modi duo meeting for the sixth time in the last year conveys to the world.

Ram Madhav is the national general secretary of the Bharatiya Janata Party and director of the Indian Foundation.

The opinions expressed are personal.

Reference site

the-modi-trump-union-analysis

ABOUT THE AUTHOR